Bibliography
Woodward, C. Vann. 1974. The Strange Career of Jim Crow. 3rd. London, Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press.
Review by Michael Beach
Although the idea of so-called Jim Crow laws is associated with a narrow time period in the southern states of the US, in fact, ideas of segregation of the races (particularly black and white) were (and maybe still are) around for much longer. Woodward makes some interesting arguments by separating segregation from slavery, racial violence, and geographic location.
Early on in the book, Woodward describes ‘southern history in stochastic terms. “These breaks in the course of Southern history go by the names of slavery and secession, independence and defeat, emancipation and reconstruction, redemption and reunion” (Woodward 1974, 3-4). He shares interesting examples of time such as reconstruction when people of both races interacted together in the south in pretty much every public setting. Once Jim Crow laws began to be enacted mandating so-called ‘separate but equal’ facilities, white attitudes toward black people changed. He acknowledges that violence was present all along. For example, lynchings were not uncommon prior to Jim Crow enactment, and continued throughout.
Another perspective Woodward shares is that during the 1960s when many laws were causing Jim Crow to be officially demolished and mandatory desegregation took place, violence rose in both races. Once Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated, there was a rise in black nationalist movements that ironically encouraged segregation again, though this time it was advocated more from African Americans, and less from whites.
The geographic question is one other area Woodward explores. He shares examples of times when integration was actually practiced more openly in the South, and although northern laws did not demand it, there was effective segregation in the North through discriminatory practices and attitudes that had no legal check. Finally, Woodward notes how there still are examples of economic segregation today. Though not codified, in practicality economic disparity has a similar effect as legally sanctioned segregation.
Given this edition was published in 1974, I wonder how Woodward would see things today. For example, the concern in some inner-city neighborhoods over the fallout of ‘gentrification’ may be increasing segregation again through economic strata. Working in downtown Washington DC for nearly ten years at this point, I have witnessed gentrification firsthand. The difference in predomination by one race as opposed to another in terms of population is notable. In places the ‘line’ is as direct as one city block of modern luxury apartments next to another of mostly aging row houses.
Woodward, C. Vann. 1974. The Strange Career of Jim Crow. 3rd. London, Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press.
Review by Michael Beach
Although the idea of so-called Jim Crow laws is associated with a narrow time period in the southern states of the US, in fact, ideas of segregation of the races (particularly black and white) were (and maybe still are) around for much longer. Woodward makes some interesting arguments by separating segregation from slavery, racial violence, and geographic location.
Early on in the book, Woodward describes ‘southern history in stochastic terms. “These breaks in the course of Southern history go by the names of slavery and secession, independence and defeat, emancipation and reconstruction, redemption and reunion” (Woodward 1974, 3-4). He shares interesting examples of time such as reconstruction when people of both races interacted together in the south in pretty much every public setting. Once Jim Crow laws began to be enacted mandating so-called ‘separate but equal’ facilities, white attitudes toward black people changed. He acknowledges that violence was present all along. For example, lynchings were not uncommon prior to Jim Crow enactment, and continued throughout.
Another perspective Woodward shares is that during the 1960s when many laws were causing Jim Crow to be officially demolished and mandatory desegregation took place, violence rose in both races. Once Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated, there was a rise in black nationalist movements that ironically encouraged segregation again, though this time it was advocated more from African Americans, and less from whites.
The geographic question is one other area Woodward explores. He shares examples of times when integration was actually practiced more openly in the South, and although northern laws did not demand it, there was effective segregation in the North through discriminatory practices and attitudes that had no legal check. Finally, Woodward notes how there still are examples of economic segregation today. Though not codified, in practicality economic disparity has a similar effect as legally sanctioned segregation.
Given this edition was published in 1974, I wonder how Woodward would see things today. For example, the concern in some inner-city neighborhoods over the fallout of ‘gentrification’ may be increasing segregation again through economic strata. Working in downtown Washington DC for nearly ten years at this point, I have witnessed gentrification firsthand. The difference in predomination by one race as opposed to another in terms of population is notable. In places the ‘line’ is as direct as one city block of modern luxury apartments next to another of mostly aging row houses.
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